The relationship between formal education and economic growth in poor countries is widely misunderstood by economists and politicians alike progress in both area is undoubtedly necessary for the social， political and intellectual development of these and all other societies； however， the conventional view that education should be one of the very highest priorities for promoting rapid economic development in poor countries is wrong. We are fortunate that is it， because new educational systems there and putting enough people through them to improve economic performance would require two or three generations. The findings of a research institution have consistently shown that workers in all countries can be trained on the job to achieve radical higher productivity and， as a result， radically higher standards of living. Ironically， the first evidence for this idea appeared in the United States. Not long ago， with the country entering a recessing and Japan at its pre-bubble peak. The U.S. workforce was derided as poorly educated and one of primary cause of the poor U.S. economic performance. Japan was， and remains， the global leader in automotive-assembly productivity. Yet the research revealed that the U.S. factories of Honda Nissan， and Toyota achieved about 95 percent of the productivity of their Japanese counterparts —— a result of the training that U.S. workers received on the job. More recently， while examining housing construction， the researchers discovered that illiterate， non-English- speaking Mexican workers in Houston， Texas， consistently met best-practice labor productivity standards despite the complexity of the building industry's work. What is the real relationship between education and economic development？ We have to suspect that continuing economic growth promotes the development of education even when governments don't force it. After all， that's how education got started. When our ancestors were hunters and gatherers 10，000 years ago， they didn't have time to wonder much about anything besides finding food. Only when humanity began to get its food in a more productive way was there time for other things. As education improved， humanity's productivity potential， they could in turn afford more education. This increasingly high level of education is probably a necessary， but not a sufficient， condition for the complex political systems required by advanced economic performance. Thus poor countries might not be able to escape their poverty traps without political changes that may be possible only with broader formal education. A lack of formal education， however， doesn't constrain the ability of the developing world's workforce to substantially improve productivity for the forested future. On the contrary， constraints on improving productivity explain why education isn't developing more quickly there than it is.
31. The author holds in paragraph 1 that the important of education in poor countries ___________.
[A] is subject groundless doubts
[B] has fallen victim of bias
[C] is conventional downgraded
[D] has been overestimated
32. It is stated in paragraph 1 that construction of a new education system __________.
[A] challenges economists and politicians
[B] takes efforts of generations
[C] demands priority from the government
[D] requires sufficient labor force
33. A major difference between the Japanese and U.S workforces is that __________.
[A] the Japanese workforce is better disciplined
[B] the Japanese workforce is more productive
[C] the U.S workforce has a better education
[D] the U.S workforce is more organize
34. The author quotes the example of our ancestors to show that education emerged __________.
[A] when people had enough time
[B] prior to better ways of finding food
[C] when people on longer went hung
[D] as a result of pressure on government
35. According to the last paragraph ， development of education __________.
[A] results directly from competitive environments
[B] does not depend on economic performance
[C] follows improved productivity
[D] cannot afford political changes
The most thoroughly studied in the history of the new world are the ministers and political leaders of seventeenth-century New England. According to the standard history of American philosophy， nowhere else in colonial America was "So much important attached to intellectual pursuits " According to many books and articles， New England's leaders established the basic themes and preoccupations of an unfolding， dominant Puritan tradition in American intellectual life. To take this approach to the New Englanders normally mean to start with the Puritans' theological innovations and their distinctive ideas about the church-important subjects that we may not neglect. But in keeping with our examination of southern intellectual life， we may consider the original Puritans as carriers of European culture adjusting to New world circumstances. The New England colonies were the scenes of important episodes in the pursuit of widely understood ideals of civility and virtuosity. The early settlers of Massachusetts Bay included men of impressive education and influence in England. `Besides the ninety or so learned ministers who came to Massachusetts church in the decade after 1629，There were political leaders like John Winthrop， an educated gentleman， lawyer， and official of the Crown before he journeyed to Boston. There men wrote and published extensively， reaching both New World and Old World audiences， and giving New England an atmosphere of intellectual earnestness. We should not forget ， however， that most New Englanders were less well educated. While few crafts men or farmers， let alone dependents and servants， left literary compositions to be analyzed， The in thinking often had a traditional superstitions quality. A tailor named John Dane， who emigrated in the late 1630s， left an account of his reasons for leaving England that is filled with signs. sexual confusion， economic frustrations ， and religious hope-all name together in a decisive moment when he opened the Bible， told his father the first line he saw would settle his fate， and read the magical words： "come out from among them， touch no unclean thing ， and I will be your God and you shall be my people." One wonders what Dane thought of the careful sermons explaining the Bible that he heard in puritan churched. Meanwhile， many settles had slighter religious commitments than Dane's， as one clergyman learned in confronting folk along the coast who mocked that they had not come to the New world for religion . "Our main end was to catch fish. "
36. The author notes that in the seventeenth-century New England___________.
[A] Puritan tradition dominated political life.
[B] intellectual interests were encouraged.
[C] Politics benefited much from intellectual endeavors.
[D] intellectual pursuits enjoyed a liberal environment.
37. It is suggested in paragraph 2 that New Englanders__________.
[A] experienced a comparatively peaceful early history.
[B] brought with them the culture of the Old World
[C] paid little attention to southern intellectual life
[D] were obsessed with religious innovations
38. The early ministers and political leaders in Massachusetts Bay__________.
[A] were famous in the New World for their writings
[B] gained increasing importance in religious affairs
[C] abandoned high positions before coming to the New World
[D] created a new intellectual atmosphere in New England
39. The story of John Dane shows that less well-educated New Englanders were often __________.
[A] influenced by superstitions
[B] troubled with religious beliefs
[C] puzzled by church sermons
[D] frustrated with family earnings
40. The text suggests that early settlers in New England__________.
[A] were mostly engaged in political activities
[B] were motivated by an illusory prospect
[C] came from different backgrounds.
[D] left few formal records for later reference
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